With regard to the Gaza Strip, the disengagement plan published in the Israeli papers on Friday, April 16th specifies that within a year and a half, the Israeli occupation there should be declared to be over. In every other aspect, the situation will remain as is. The Palestinians will be imprisoned from all sides, with no connection to the world, except through Israel. Israel also reserves for itself the right to act militarily inside the Gaza Strip.[1] But since the Strip will no longer be defined as an occupied territory, Israel will not be subject to the Fourth Geneva Convention.

Clause f of section I in the published plan states that “the disengagement move will obviate the claims about Israel with regard to its responsibility for the Palestinians in the Gaza Strip”. In other words, what Israel does today in violation of international law will become legal: It would presumably become formally permissible to starve people and to kill whoever Israel determines - from a child throwing stones, to the successor of a spiritual leader, himself executed a month before.

The text of the plan also declares that Israel will evacuate the settlements and the army posts inside the Strip. It is not clear how this could be accomplished given that the declared intention is to keep the Strip under full Israeli “security control”. After all, the isolated settlement of Netzarim (like the others) was founded precisely in order to divide the Strip into separate parts, thus enabling control of it from the inside. Those who want to, may believe that Sharon will eventually dismantle Netzarim. In the meanwhile, however, Israel invests in its fortification.

On Channel 1 TV news on April 15, there was an interview with a pretty relaxed settler from Netzarim. “If the defense minister is building right now a new security fence for us” — he said — “then surely no one intends to evacuate us”. In any case, the position agreed upon by Sharon and Netanyahu, and which was confirmed in the cabinet meeting of April 18, is that no settlement in the Gaza Strip is to be evacuated before the Wall in the West Bank is completed.

As for the West Bank, the innovation in the Bush-Sharon agreement is not found at the level of declarations. In the plans of Clinton and of Beilin-Abu Mazen, as well, it was clear that Israel was not offering return to the precise line of the 1967 borders, nor a full realization of the right of return. However, these were plans for negotiation - proposals awaiting the approval of the Palestinian people. Now the Palestinians are not even asked. Now it is Israel and the U.S. who are determining the facts on the ground. Israel marks the land that it desires, and builds a Wall on that route.

In the Clinton plan, the Palestinian territory to be annexed to Israel consisted of 5-7% of the West Bank. But when the present route of the plan was first approved by the previous Sharon government, Shimon Peres, then foreign minister, protested that it robbed the Palestinians of 22% of their lands. Since then, the segment of the Wall which is already under construction has been extended much further onto Palestinian land.

According to a UN report from November of 2003, this segment, which did not include yet the region of Jerusalem, has already appropriated 14.5% of Palestinian land. Along this route, Israel is uprooting tens of thousands of trees, dispossessing Palestinian farmers of their land, and pushing them into small enclaves between fences and Walls, until, at the final stage, the Wall will surround them on all sides, as in the Gaza Strip.

In 1969, the Israeli philosopher Yesayahu Leibovitz anticipated that in the areas of the occupation “concentration camps would be erected by the Israeli rulers… Israel would be a state that would not deserve to exist, and it will not be worthwhile to preserve it”. How far are we from Leibovitz prophecy in the fenced Gaza Strip?

In the West Bank, the situation is still different. Along the route of the Wall, the internal struggle of the Israeli society is now taking place - between the self-proclaimed “land redemptionists” who, no matter how much land they have, will always want more, and those who want to live in a state that deserves to exist. Along that route, there are Israelis who, alongside the Palestinians, are putting their bodies in front of the bulldozers and the Israeli army.

Endnotes
1. The published plan is available at: http://www.haaretz.com/hasen/pages/ShArt.jhtml?itemNo=416024&contrassID=1&subContrassID=1&sbSubContrassID=0&listSrc=Y.

Here are some of the clauses that the summary in this paragraph is based on (Italics added):

III: Security reality after the evacuation
1. Israel will supervise and guard the external envelope on land, will maintain exclusive control in the air space of Gaza, and will continue to conduct military activities in the sea space of the Gaza Strip.
3. Israel reserves for itself the basic right of self-defense, including taking preventative steps as well as responding by using force against threats that will emerge from the Gaza Strip.

VI. The border area between the Gaza Strip and Egypt (“Philadelphi Route”)
During the first stage, Israel will continue to maintain a military presence along the border line between the Gaza Strip and Egypt (“Philadelphi Route”). This presence is an essential security need, and in certain places, it is possible that there will be a need for the physical enlargement of the area in which the military activity will be carried out.

XII. The international crossing point.
1. The existing arrangements will remain in force.

Prof. Tanya Reinhart is a lecturer in linguistics, media and cultural studies at the Tel Aviv University. She is the author of several books, including Israel/Palestine: How to End the War of 1948. This article first appeared in Yediot Aharonot on Tuesday, April 20, 2004 and was translated from Hebrew by Netta Van Vliet.

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